My latest makes 2 broad points.
1. Income inequality exists in India, but the debate is based more on rhetoric than facts.
2. Congress's strategy to punch holes in the âIndia growthâ story suffers from an intractable problem: Rahul Gandhi.
đ§”(1/17)
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1. Income inequality exists in India, but the debate is based more on rhetoric than facts.
2. Congress's strategy to punch holes in the âIndia growthâ story suffers from an intractable problem: Rahul Gandhi.
đ§”(1/17)
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India is steaming ahead. Its economy is growing at the fastest clip among large economies despite a global downturn, and all rating agencies and surveyors are putting India ahead, be it a short-term projection or a long one. (2/17)
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SBI report, based on 10 years of income tax data, tells us that average Indian middle-class income has risen, and since FY 2011, 13.6% of the population migrated from lower-income to upper-income strata by FY 2022. (3/17)
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There has also been a significant decline in the number of zero-tax liability returns. To argue that such progress has been restricted to only a small segment of the population is not only wrong, but spurious. (4/17)
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UN says India has registered a âremarkable reduction in povertyâ, pulling out 415 million from poverty level within a span of just 15 years (2005/6 â 2019/21), ahead of peers such as China and Indonesia. (5/17)
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If we add Indiaâs progress in poverty alleviation with the migration of lower income group to the higher income bracket, we get a weighted mean segment that has improved its financial situation despite the pandemic. (6/17)
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Still, it is the duty of the Opposition to punch holes in the governmentâs narrative and Congress has zeroed in on a strategy to identify with some who have inevitably fallen behind in the âIndia growthâ story. (7/17)
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There is nothing wrong with this strategy, except its tawdry implementation and substitution of painstaking grassroot outreach with a swashbuckling social media strategy high on âcoolness quotientâ led by its irreverent icon, Rahul Gandhi. (8/17)
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For a campaign that identifies with the downtrodden and the destitute and hopes to stitch a coalition of âhave-notsâ to oust the âwell-heeledâ, the promotion lacks focus and even reeks of confusion. (9/17)
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For eg., the Gandhi scion undertook a bike ride to Ladakh followed by an army of âinfluencersâ through the picturesque locales to one of Indiaâs remotest corners. Headlines say Rahul âHalts To Fuel Bike at Ladakh Petrol Pump, Poses for Selfies.â (10/17)
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For someone who has been portrayed as âcold and aloofâ, Rahulâs earnest attempt at social connect is praiseworthy but the manicured outreach programmes lack the spontaneity and the electric bond between a leader and the masses. (11/17)
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These photo-ops appear more of an imperial outreach in a setup where the subjects are expected to grateful for the prince to have emerged from his ivory tower. (12/17)
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Despite his effort, Rahul cannot convey ordinariness. The social media campaign of inviting a vegetable vendor, Rameshwar, to his quarters and serving him food smacked of the same insincerity. (13/17)
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Highlighting the apathy of the poor is a legitimate political strategy. Congress canât be faulted for seizing the opportunity. Trouble is, it believes a sleekly edited clip is enough to project the dynast as an 'empathetic mass leader'. (14/17)
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The spectacle of making the poor sit before the camera, zooming in on the contents of his plate, ensuring the perfect âangleâ right while âserving foodâ, or leading a band of camerapersons on a field during harvest appears disrespectful. (15/17)
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The commodification of the poor, who enjoys a few minutes of limelight, gets to eat good food in luxurious setting is as cinematic as Congressâs idea of eradicating poverty. (16/17)
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Reducing elections to a performative art of winning votes, oftentimes by mimicry of the western gaze is the deepest possible insult to the electorate. It also reflects the deracination that defines the politics of Rahul Gandhi. (17/17)
Ends.
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Ends.
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